A Brief Overview of Key Political Relationships and Strategic Networking Resources By Lee Cokorinos, IDS Research Director The nomination of former Sen. John Ashcroft (R-MO) for the post of U.S. Attorney General by George W. Bush has been greeted with widespread condemnation by those concerned with civil rights, reproductive rights,[1] environmental protection, preserving the constitutional separation of church and state,[2] and a fair and equitable judicial selection process. In opposing this nomination, many have pointed to former Sen. Ashcroft's long history of vigorous opposition to their concerns, particularly his hostility to the rights of women[3] and minorities. Ashcroft's past record of opposition is indeed a matter of deep concern to all who remain committed to democratic values. However, while much attention is appropriately being focused on Ashcroft's retrograde views, it is equally important to see him as part of an organized political movement with an extreme agenda. Perhaps most troubling, however, is the potential future damage that Ashcroft will do should he be confirmed. This is because a Senate vote for confirmation would bring the far right closer to the exercise of real national legal authority than they have ever been.[4] Should Ashcroft come to power, so also to that extent will the movement that he embodies. To understand why this is so it is necessary to look at some of the key political relationships Ashcroft has maintained with the extreme right. These relationships, some of them longstanding, others occasional, give a clear indication of why Ashcroft is not, as his defenders describe him, simply a conservative, but an extremist. Ashcroft's connections to the far right have been essential for the advancement of his political career at every stage. They have directly led to his nomination and potential confirmation, and would frame his tenure as Attorney General. These relationships are of a piece, but fall into two general categories: Limitations of space and time preclude full treatment of this set of Ashcroft's relationships, but each will be treated in turn, and would become more visible if he is confirmed. Seen as one of their own, Ashcroft has been backed for many years by the top leadership of the religious right. Some key Ashcroft supporters are well known, such as Pat Robertson of the Christian Coalition, James Dobson of Focus on the Family, and Paul Weyrich of the Free Congress Foundation. Others are less well known nationally, such as Michael Farris of the Home School Legal Defense Association, televangelist D. James Kennedy, and Adrian Rogers of the Southern Baptist Convention. Following is a brief overview of some of these relationships. Pat Robertson: Pat Robertson's ability to keep the extreme Christian right from opposing the Bush candidacy is largely responsible for the fact that the Texas governor was able to avoid a potentially damaging challenge from the Christian right, and fend off the McCain challenge in the key February 2000 South Carolina primary.[5] If the Ashcroft nomination is payback for anything, it is for the efforts of Robertson and other top leaders of the Christian Right to elect Bush (this includes the active role that the Florida Christian Coalition played in supporting the Bush forces during that state's disputed election).[6] Both Ashcroft and Robertson were honored together for their work for the Christian Right in August 1998 by the Florida Christian Coalition.[7] Robertson, who with his wife, Adelia, donated $10,000 to Ashcroft presidential campaign,[8] is one of Ashcroft's strongest backers for confirmation as attorney general. Ashcroft had been tipped as a possible attorney general for Robertson himself when he ran for president in 1988.[9] Ralph Reed and David Kuo: The former chief strategist for Robertson's Christian Coalition, who subsequently left to form a political consultancy operation, Century Strategies, Ralph Reed has played a vital role in building up John Ashcroft as the leading choice of the extreme right for president, and in defending his nomination to be attorney general.[10] Reed's relationship with Ashcroft is close, as is illustrated by the case of J. David Kuo, one of Ashcroft's top former aides. Kuo, whose resume sports a one-year stint as intelligence officer at the CIA, went from working as Ashcroft's policy director -- a key strategic post -- to become managing director of strategic communications for Reed's Century Strategies,[11] from where he supported the Ashcroft for president campaign.[12] According to the Heritage Foundation, Kuo co-authored Ralph Reed's most recent book, Active Faith.[13] Kuo also served on the start-up team,[14] and as deputy policy director at Empower America, William Bennett's think tank, whose founding chairman was New York financier Ted Forstmann,[15] and whose directors include Trent Lott and Bush Defense Secretary-designate Donald Rumsfeld.[16] It will be interesting to see where Kuo ends up should Ashcroft be confirmed. Kuo is a longtime promoter of "charitable choice" -- a code word for the right wing for giving religious institutions access to government social services budgets -- also a major passion of Ashcroft. In January 1996, Kuo became executive director of the Center for Effective Compassion, which was founded by Arianna Huffington and Marvin Olasky -- G.W. Bush's "compassionate conservatism" guru who is currently tipped to be head of a proposed White House Office of Faith-Based Programs. In 1996, Kuo founded the American Compass,[17] a Virginia-based operation partly funded by right wing financier Richard Mellon Scaife's Scaife Family Foundation.[18] American Compass, whose directors included Ashcroft and Olasky,[19] was designed to promote religious involvement in social service provision, which it did in part by sponsoring (along with Foster Friess, a Greenville, Delaware-based fund manager and member of the far right Council for National Policy) a tour of key right wing politicians supporting such measures, including John Ashcroft and J.C. Watts. The tour "was timed," according an article posted on J.C. Watts' website, "to coincide with the beginning of welfare reform."[20] American Compass received $100,000 from the Scaife Family Foundation from 1988-1999 for the Samaritan Awards, which were designed to promote small religious charities that perform their activities without any government dollars. The Samaritan Award judges in 1997 included David Kuo of The American Compass, Jeb Bush of the Foundation for Florida's Future, Whitney Ball of the Philanthropy Roundtable, Kay Coles James of Regent University, Marvin Olasky, and Rev. Robert A. Sirico the president of the Acton Institute.[21] There is a longstanding relationship between Kuo, Reed and Ashcroft, important enough for Ralph Reed to mention in his announcement that he was leaving the Christian Coalition:[22]
Michael Farris, Paul Weyrich, Paige Patterson, and Tim LaHaye: Among the leaders of the Christian Right who actively worked for an Ashcroft presidency were Michael Farris, Free Congress Foundation head Paul Weyrich; Paige Patterson, a top leader of the Southern Baptist Convention; and Tim LaHaye. This is the constituency to which Ashcroft will be beholden should he be confirmed as attorney general. To promote Ashcroft's candidacy, these four formed, under the auspices of Farris' Madison Project (at the time of Purcellville, Virginia) the Committee to Restore American Values (CRAV), which included some of the most radical activists in right wing politics, including Judge Paul Pressler, key leader of the far-right takeover of the once-moderate Southern Baptist Convention, and Carl Herbster, head of the American Association of Christian schools, who weighed in heavily with Bush aide Karl Rove to push Ashcroft's candidacy for attorney general.[23] Other CRAV members included radical antiabortionist Stanley Monteith, former Sen. Bill Armstrong, leading antiabortion activist Dr. J.C. Willke, and Morton Blackwell.[24] Farris recently launched Patrick Henry College, whose purpose is "to aid in the transformation of American society" by giving students "professional training in the field of government," through a '"directed research" component which will establish relationships between students and outside work sites (congressional offices, for example), funneling research and writing assignments through faculty members for hands-on monitoring and mentoring.'[25] Both John Ashcroft's wife Janet, and Donald Hodel's wife Barbara, are listed on the College's board of directors.[26] Donald Hodel serves on the board of visitors of the Federalist Society, and returned to the board of directors of James Dobson's Focus on the Family after departing as president of the Christian Coalition in January 1999.[27] Also on Farris' board is James Leininger, a key player in far right Texas politics.[28] It is impossible to grasp the potential significance of an Ashcroft attorney generalship without understanding the key role that the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy is playing in the challenge to democratic legal values. The leadership of the Federalist Society is, quite simply, poised to transform the landscape of American law and society. The structure and history of the Society is more fully laid out in the Federalist Society and the Challenge to a Democratic Jurisprudence.[29] Within the last three months, it is not an exaggeration to say that leading members of the Federalist Society have changed the course of American politics, and set the stage for what may prove to be some fundamental challenges to American democratic jurisprudence under an Ashcroft-controlled department of justice. Top lawyers affiliated with the society, including Theodore Olson (president of the D.C. chapter of the Federalist Society, and Bush's lead attorney in the U.S. Supreme Court case on the Florida vote), Douglas Cox, Alex M. Azar II, Michael Carvin, and Manuel Klausner, Timothy E. Flanigan, R. Ted Cruz, and James Bopp, Jr.[30] successfully prevented a Florida recount through successful litigation at the state and federal appellate levels. John Yoo, co-chair of the Role of the Courts Subcommittee of the Federalist Society's Federalism Practice Group, testified before the Florida legislature in favor of a special session to choose presidential electors, which Bush supporters were contemplating to override the decision of the Florida supreme court to conduct vote recounts.[31] Yoo also became a major presence on TV news programs advocating the Bush position.[32] Following the Supreme Court decision not to allow the Florida recounts to continue, another leading member of the Federalist Society, the chair of its Religious Liberties Practice Group, Robert P. George, played an instrumental role in securing the nomination of Ashcroft over Montana governor Marc Racicot. Despite his admiration for Ashcroft -- according to an aide Bush once praised Ashcroft as a potentially great Supreme Court Justice[33] -- Bush apparently preferred Montana Gov. Marc Racicot, until Racicot was shot down by the far right. Displeased with what they took to be Racicot's apparently insufficient zeal to uproot abortion rights and gay rights, the far right recruited Princeton Professor Robert P. George, one of the key ideologues of the extreme right-wing Catholic "natural law" legal movement in the U.S, to draft a paper on Racicot. Unsatisfied with the answers provided by the Bush camp, the far right was able to block the nomination and secure it for Ashcroft.[34] C. Boyden Gray, former Bush Sr. White House Counsel and transition coordinator, who sits on the Federalist Society's board of visitors, is now playing a vocal role supporting the Ashcroft nomination. Gray thinks Ashcroft was a "great choice" for attorney general, and "will restore the luster to a department which I think has been tarnished in recent years."[35] David J. Porter, the president of the Pittsburgh chapter of the Federalist Society, leaped into print to defend Ashcroft from criticism when his nomination was announced.[36] The chief counsel for the Senate Subcommittee on the Constitution, Federalism, and Property Rights -- which was chaired by John Ashcroft while he was in the Senate -- was Paul D. Clement. Clement is a member of the Litigation Practice Group of the Federalist Society, and chairs its Class Action Subcommittee. He handled all issues that came before the constitution subcommittee for Ashcroft.[37] The role of the Federalist Society leadership is visible and prominent in shaping the new administration, and no doubt many of them will find posts. Spencer Abraham, one of three co-founders of the society, has already been nominated for Energy Secretary; Gale A. Norton, nominated for Interior Secretary by Bush, was honored by the Federalist Society as their Young Lawyer of the Year;[38] and Lee Liberman Otis, another founding member, is playing a key role in setting up the judicial selection process for the Bush administration. R. Ted Cruz, who is on the Federalist Society's Religious Liberties Practice Group, has been named as a coordinator for the Bush team overseeing policy transition for the Department of Justice.[39] USA Today has reported that Ted Olson is among those under consideration for a Federal judgeship or the post of Solicitor General.[40] Should Olson secure the latter post, this top Federalist Society leader would play a key role on any assault on Roe v. Wade that Ashcroft might be contemplating. The American Center for Law and Justice: One question is whether George W. Bush's need to pay back the religious right for his election will extend to such an all-out assault on Roe. This is, however, precisely what some other key leaders of the religious right wing have been advocating. Jay Sekulow, chief counsel of Pat Robertson's American Center for Law and Justice, has been vigorously mobilizing Robertson's base via his daily radio program and website, and has launched a petition campaign in support of Ashcroft's nomination.[41] Sekulow and Robertson are interested in having judges who share their extreme views appointed. Greeting the Ashcroft nomination, Sekulow said, "I think attorney general was the one we were looking at most because there are so many vacancies in the federal judiciary."[42] Should they not be able to secure that, or should they consider that insufficient, there may be a more ominous politics ahead. In 1997, a number of extreme right politicians, including John Ashcroft and Rep. Charles Canady (R-Fla.), were singled out for praise by in a letter by James Dobson for considering a congressional move to challenge the Supreme Court's decision striking down the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. Dobson also praised Paul Weyrich and Thomas Jipping for their efforts "to pressure the president not to nominate activist judges, to warn senators not to confirm them if the president does so."[43] The Christian Legal Society and Ashcroft: John Ashcroft was the main sponsor of the "Charitable Choice" clause in the 1996 Welfare Reform Act. This provision allows churches to receive federal funds to administer social services and public health benefits on behalf of the government, without separating these services from the religious context in which they are rendered. Critics have drawn attention to the grave constitutional implications of this effort to devolve welfare services to the churches without adequate regulation of the boundary lines between church and state. In introducing charitable choice, Ashcroft worked with members of the Christian Legal Society, who helped draft and support the clause. CLS member Annie Billings joined Ashcroft's staff upon his election to the Senate in 1994. Along with Billings, then CLS board member Carl Esbeck helped draft the Charitable Choice clause. Steve McFarland, who was then director of CLS's Center for Law and Religious Freedom, assisted in the drafting process, and the Center's chief litigator, Gregory Baylor, provided constitutional analysis when the clause came under attack. The Christian Legal Society is an influential organization within the wider legal movement of the religious right. This main goal of this movement is to build a framework of legal protection, legislative initiative, and religious advocacy for the advancement of evangelical Christian views and practices within the public sphere. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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